A Basic Account - Revision history

1857admin: /* August 16 - September 11, 1857 */

2012-03-04T01:26:12Z

August 16 - September 11, 1857

← Older revision		Revision as of 01:26, 4 March 2012
Line 4:		Line 4:
	==== August 16 - September 11, 1857 ====		==== August 16 - September 11, 1857 ====

	[[Image:Us 2nd dragoons in utah war 2.jpg\|right\|375px\|Us 2nd dragoons in utah war 2.jpg]](1) Many Iron County militiamen admitted that in the late summer of 1857, the approaching federal army commanded by Colonel Albert Sidney Johnston created a profound sense of crisis. ~~<br>~~ [[Image:John m. higbee 1b.jpg\|thumb\|left\|60px]][[John_M._Higbee\|Major John M. Higbee]] of the Iron Military District's 3rd Battalion recalled the intense state of alarm or "excitement" among the populace: "[T]he further from [Salt Lake City,] the greater the excitement," Higbee conceded, while the excitement in Cedar City was at "fever heat." <br> [[Image:Albert sidney johnston sketch 4.jpg\|thumb\|left\|80px]](2) The militia leaders of the Iron Military District feared a "southern invasion" of United States dragoons detached from Col. Johnston's army or from Texas or New Mexico approaching over the Old Spanish or Fremont trails. In a contemporary account of conditions in southern Utah, Mormon leader George A. Smith observed that "some rumor or spirit of surprise had reached them." They were "under the impression that their country was about to be invaded by an army from the US" and they were prepared to "touch fire to their homes, hide themselves in the mountains, and defend their country to the last extremity."		[[Image:Us 2nd dragoons in utah war 2.jpg\|right\|375px\|Us 2nd dragoons in utah war 2.jpg]](1) Many Iron County militiamen admitted that in the late summer of 1857, the approaching federal army commanded by Colonel Albert Sidney Johnston created a profound sense of crisis.

			[[Image:John m. higbee 1b.jpg\|thumb\|left\|60px\|<center>'''John M. Higbee'''</center>]][[John_M._Higbee\|Major John M. Higbee]] of the Iron Military District's 3rd Battalion recalled the intense state of alarm or "excitement" among the populace: "[T]he further from [Salt Lake City,] the greater the excitement," Higbee conceded, while the excitement in Cedar City was at "fever heat." <br> [[Image:Albert sidney johnston sketch 4.jpg\|thumb\|left\|80px]](2) The militia leaders of the Iron Military District feared a "southern invasion" of United States dragoons detached from Col. Johnston's army or from Texas or New Mexico approaching over the Old Spanish or Fremont trails. In a contemporary account of conditions in southern Utah, Mormon leader George A. Smith observed that "some rumor or spirit of surprise had reached them." They were "under the impression that their country was about to be invaded by an army from the US" and they were prepared to "touch fire to their homes, hide themselves in the mountains, and defend their country to the last extremity."

	<br>		<br>

	[[Image:Old spanish trail into southern utah 3.jpg\|center\|600px\|Old ~~spanish trail~~ into ~~southern utah 3~~.~~jpg~~]]		[[Image:Old spanish trail into southern utah 3.jpg\|center\|600px\|<center>'''Old Spanish Trail into Southern Utah.'''</center>]]

	<br>		<br>

1857admin: /* August 16 - September 11, 1857 */

2011-06-26T16:01:43Z

August 16 - September 11, 1857

← Older revision		Revision as of 16:01, 26 June 2011
Line 6:		Line 6:
	[[Image:Us 2nd dragoons in utah war 2.jpg\|right\|375px\|Us 2nd dragoons in utah war 2.jpg]](1) Many Iron County militiamen admitted that in the late summer of 1857, the approaching federal army commanded by Colonel Albert Sidney Johnston created a profound sense of crisis. <br> [[Image:John m. higbee 1b.jpg\|thumb\|left\|60px]][[John_M._Higbee\|Major John M. Higbee]] of the Iron Military District's 3rd Battalion recalled the intense state of alarm or "excitement" among the populace: "[T]he further from [Salt Lake City,] the greater the excitement," Higbee conceded, while the excitement in Cedar City was at "fever heat." <br> [[Image:Albert sidney johnston sketch 4.jpg\|thumb\|left\|80px]](2) The militia leaders of the Iron Military District feared a "southern invasion" of United States dragoons detached from Col. Johnston's army or from Texas or New Mexico approaching over the Old Spanish or Fremont trails. In a contemporary account of conditions in southern Utah, Mormon leader George A. Smith observed that "some rumor or spirit of surprise had reached them." They were "under the impression that their country was about to be invaded by an army from the US" and they were prepared to "touch fire to their homes, hide themselves in the mountains, and defend their country to the last extremity."		[[Image:Us 2nd dragoons in utah war 2.jpg\|right\|375px\|Us 2nd dragoons in utah war 2.jpg]](1) Many Iron County militiamen admitted that in the late summer of 1857, the approaching federal army commanded by Colonel Albert Sidney Johnston created a profound sense of crisis. <br> [[Image:John m. higbee 1b.jpg\|thumb\|left\|60px]][[John_M._Higbee\|Major John M. Higbee]] of the Iron Military District's 3rd Battalion recalled the intense state of alarm or "excitement" among the populace: "[T]he further from [Salt Lake City,] the greater the excitement," Higbee conceded, while the excitement in Cedar City was at "fever heat." <br> [[Image:Albert sidney johnston sketch 4.jpg\|thumb\|left\|80px]](2) The militia leaders of the Iron Military District feared a "southern invasion" of United States dragoons detached from Col. Johnston's army or from Texas or New Mexico approaching over the Old Spanish or Fremont trails. In a contemporary account of conditions in southern Utah, Mormon leader George A. Smith observed that "some rumor or spirit of surprise had reached them." They were "under the impression that their country was about to be invaded by an army from the US" and they were prepared to "touch fire to their homes, hide themselves in the mountains, and defend their country to the last extremity."

	<br>		<br>

	~~<br>~~		[[Image:Old spanish trail into southern utah 3.jpg\|center\|600px\|Old spanish trail into southern utah 3.jpg]]

	<br>		<br>

	~~[[Image:Old spanish trail into southern utah 3.jpg\|center\|600px\|Old spanish trail into southern utah 3.jpg]]~~

	[[Image:George a. smith 1a1.jpg\|thumb\|left\|60px]](3) In a sermon George A. Smith preached in Cedar City, he discussed the threatened invasion, telling his audience that "it might be necessary to set fire to our property, and hide in the mountains." In nearby Fort Harmony, he later acknowledged, his discourse "partook of the military more than the religious."<br>		[[Image:George a. smith 1a1.jpg\|thumb\|left\|60px]](3) In a sermon George A. Smith preached in Cedar City, he discussed the threatened invasion, telling his audience that "it might be necessary to set fire to our property, and hide in the mountains." In nearby Fort Harmony, he later acknowledged, his discourse "partook of the military more than the religious."<br>

1857admin: /* Conduct of the Emigrant Train */

2011-06-25T06:28:03Z

Conduct of the Emigrant Train

← Older revision		Revision as of 06:28, 25 June 2011
Line 31:		Line 31:
	As we shall see, some settlers in Cedar City accused the Arkansas emigrants of provocative acts. Therefore, it is relevant that other Mormon militiamen from the same military district had encounters with the emigrants that involved no such behavior. Their numerous encounters were at least civil if not cordial. Consider these:		As we shall see, some settlers in Cedar City accused the Arkansas emigrants of provocative acts. Therefore, it is relevant that other Mormon militiamen from the same military district had encounters with the emigrants that involved no such behavior. Their numerous encounters were at least civil if not cordial. Consider these:

	[[Image:Philo t. farnsworth.jpg\|thumb\|left\|80px\|Philo t. ~~farnsworth.jpg~~]]In the evening of August 24, the George A. Smith party met the emigrant train at Corn Creek, about one hundred miles north of Cedar City. Besides Smith, his party included Jacob Hamblin and Thales Haskell of Fort Clara (Santa Clara), Silas Smith of Parowan, and Philo T. Farnsworth and Elisha Hoops of Beaver.		[[Image:Philo t. farnsworth.jpg\|thumb\|left\|80px\|Philo T. Farnsworth]]In the evening of August 24, the George A. Smith party met the emigrant train at Corn Creek, about one hundred miles north of Cedar City. Besides Smith, his party included Jacob Hamblin and Thales Haskell of Fort Clara (Santa Clara), Silas Smith of Parowan, and Philo T. Farnsworth and Elisha Hoops of Beaver.

	[[Image:Jacob hamblin.jpg\|thumb\|right\|80px\|Jacob ~~hamblin.jpg~~]]Jacob Hamblin would later opine that some emigrant men were "rude and rough and calculated to get the ill will of the inhabitants." Yet Hamblin described his own conversations with them as ordinary trail talk about grass, water and other trail conditions without any unpleasantness. Personally, he found them to be "ordinary frontier homespun people, as a general thing."		[[Image:Jacob hamblin.jpg\|thumb\|right\|80px\|Jacob Hamblin]]Jacob Hamblin would later opine that some emigrant men were "rude and rough and calculated to get the ill will of the inhabitants." Yet Hamblin described his own conversations with them as ordinary trail talk about grass, water and other trail conditions without any unpleasantness. Personally, he found them to be "ordinary frontier homespun people, as a general thing."

	Testifying in the 1875 Lee trial, Silas Smith noted that when some of the emigrant men asked if the Indians would eat a dead ox that lay nearby, it "created suspicion that they would play foul games by some means." Some of them also said "By God!" and similar expressions. They were a "rough lot of people," thought Silas, although he acknowledged that "I could not say that they were a rough set of fellows, but that was my opinion." But as we will see, his reservations were minor. He had two later encounters, each one amicable.		Testifying in the 1875 Lee trial, Silas Smith noted that when some of the emigrant men asked if the Indians would eat a dead ox that lay nearby, it "created suspicion that they would play foul games by some means." Some of them also said "By God!" and similar expressions. They were a "rough lot of people," thought Silas, although he acknowledged that "I could not say that they were a rough set of fellows, but that was my opinion." But as we will see, his reservations were minor. He had two later encounters, each one amicable.

1857admin: internal links

2011-06-08T06:05:30Z

internal links

← Older revision		Revision as of 06:05, 8 June 2011
Line 162:		Line 162:
	== The Aftermath of the Massacre ==		== The Aftermath of the Massacre ==

	The following day, a militia party including Colonel William H. Dame of Parowan and Major Isaac C. Haight of Cedar City arrived at the scene of the massacre. Lee briefed Dame and Haight and these two immediately fell into quarreling with one another. (68) Majors Haight and Lee and Private (also Bishop) ~~Klingensmith~~ enjoined secrecy on those from Cedar City because "they didn't want it to get out."		The following day, a militia party including Colonel William H. Dame of Parowan and Major Isaac C. Haight of Cedar City arrived at the scene of the massacre. [[John_D._Lee\|Major Lee]] briefed Colonel Dame and Major Haight and these two immediately fell into quarreling with one another. (68) Majors Haight and [[John_D._Lee\|Lee]] and [[Philip_Klingensmith\|Private (also Bishop) Klingensmit]]h enjoined secrecy on those from Cedar City because "they didn't want it to get out."

	(69) Returning to Fort Harmony, John D. Lee and his adopted Indian son, Clem, overtook a band of Paiutes leaving the Meadows for their traditional lands. They exchanged greetings. Then, Lee admitted, the Paiutes said "I was their Captain, and that they were going to Harmony with me as my men." (70) Captain Joel White, 2nd Lieutenant Nephi Johnson and Privates Philip Klingensmith and Thomas T. Willis admitted that much of the emigrants' wagons and livestock was taken to the tithing office at Cedar City and later sold at auction.		(69) Returning to Fort Harmony, [[John_D._Lee\|John D. Lee]] and his adopted Indian son, Clem, overtook a band of Paiutes leaving the Meadows for their traditional lands. They exchanged greetings. Then, Lee admitted, the Paiutes said "I was their Captain, and that they were going to Harmony with me as my men." (70) [[Joel_White\|Captain Joel White]], [[Nephi_Johnson\|2nd Lieutenant Nephi Johnson]] and Privates [[Philip_Klingensmith\|Philip Klingensmith]] and Thomas T. Willis admitted that much of the emigrants' wagons and livestock was taken to the tithing office at Cedar City and later sold at auction.

	(71) As the years passed and the panic surrounding the Utah War receded in memory, prejudice grew among all, non-Mormon and Mormon alike, against the perpetrators of the massacre, particularly the militia leaders. Major John M. Higbee came to feel ashamed because of "the cowardly part" they had played.		(71) As the years passed and the panic surrounding the Utah War receded in memory, prejudice grew among all, non-Mormon and Mormon alike, against the perpetrators of the massacre, particularly the militia leaders. [[John_M._Higbee\|Major John M. Higbee]] came to feel ashamed because of "the cowardly part" they had played.

	(72) Even some of those whose role was limited to carrying expresses and who were not even present during the final massacre, showed a consciousness of guilt: For example, nearly two decades later, Joseph ~~Clews~~ wrote: ". . .[O]h! what a horrible remembrance of those five days! They have been the bane of my existence, have kept me in the back ground and in the shade, have kept me out of society and away from people I should like to have associated with. Such has been my lot or strange fatality."		(72) Even some of those whose role was limited to carrying expresses and who were not even present during the final massacre, showed a consciousness of guilt: For example, nearly two decades later, [[Joseph_Clews\|Joseph Clew]]s wrote: ". . .[O]h! what a horrible remembrance of those five days! They have been the bane of my existence, have kept me in the back ground and in the shade, have kept me out of society and away from people I should like to have associated with. Such has been my lot or strange fatality."

	Nephi Johnson's tortured dreams on his deathbed in 1919, more than six decades after the massacre, bear silent but eloquent witness to how some militiamen were devastated by what they saw and did.		[[Nephi_Johnson\|Nephi Johnson's]] tortured dreams on his deathbed in 1919, more than six decades after the massacre, bear silent but eloquent witness to how some militiamen were devastated by what they saw and did.
			<div style="background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 191); border-top-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-left-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-color: initial; color: rgb(0, 0, 0); margin-top: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; padding-top: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; height: auto; line-height: normal; text-align: left; width: auto; direction: ltr; z-index: 99995; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; "></div>

	== How Reliable are these Confessions? ==		== How Reliable are these Confessions? ==

1857admin: internal links

2011-06-08T06:01:16Z

internal links

← Older revision		Revision as of 06:01, 8 June 2011
Line 141:		Line 141:
	==== Friday, September 11 ====		==== Friday, September 11 ====

	(50) Thirteen militia informants -- Majors Lee and Higbee, Captain Joel White, Captain's Adjutant Daniel Macfarlane, 2nd Lieutenant Nephi Johnson, Sergeants Samuel McMurdie and Samuel Pollock and Privates Philip Klingensmith, Joseph Clews, William Edwards, William Young, James Pearce and Samuel Knight -- confessed to planning and/or executing a strategy to decoy the emigrants from their fortifications in order to attack them.		(50) Thirteen militia informants -- Majors [[John_D._Lee\|Lee]] and [[John_M._Higbee\|Higbee]], [[Joel_White\|Captain Joel White]], Captain's Adjutant Daniel Macfarlane, 2nd [[Nephi_Johnson\|Lieutenant Nephi Johnson]], Sergeants [[Samuel_McMurdie\|Samuel McMurdie]] and [[Samuel_Pollock\|Samuel Pollock]] and Privates [[Philip_Klingensmith\|Philip Klingensmith]], [[Joseph_Clews\|Joseph Clews]], William Edwards, William Young, [[James_Pearce\|James Pearce]] and [[Samuel_Knight\|Samuel Knight]] -- confessed to planning and/or executing a strategy to decoy the emigrants from their fortifications in order to attack them.

	(51) The plan, Lee and Klingensmith admitted, was to eliminate all men, women and older children. If they barred the emigrants' escape to California, the militia reasoned, military forces in California could not be sent against southern Utah's already precarious defenses. (52) Lee and Nephi ~~Johnson~~ admitted that the plan included killing women and older children and that Paiutes were to dispatch them. (53) Nephi Johnson admitted that on the morning of the massacre, he translated orders to the Paiutes to conceal themselves. He also translated the order for the subsequent attack.		(51) The plan, [[John_D._Lee\|Lee]] and [[Philip_Klingensmith\|Klingensmith]] admitted, was to eliminate all men, women and older children. If they barred the emigrants' escape to California, the militia reasoned, military forces in California could not be sent against southern Utah's already precarious defenses. (52) [[John_D._Lee\|Lee]] and [[Nephi_Johnson\|Nephi Johnso]]n admitted that the plan included killing women and older children and that Paiutes were to dispatch them. (53) [[Nephi_Johnson\|Nephi Johnson]] admitted that on the morning of the massacre, he translated orders to the Paiutes to conceal themselves. He also translated the order for the subsequent attack.

	(54) John D. Lee admitted going to the emigrants' wagon circle and delivering deceptive terms of surrender to the emigrants to induce them to surrender their arms and abandon their wagon circle. (55) At least twelve men confessed to being present at the Mountain Meadows during this deceptive ploy.		(54) [[John_D._Lee\|John D. Lee]] admitted going to the emigrants' wagon circle and delivering deceptive terms of surrender to the emigrants to induce them to surrender their arms and abandon their wagon circle. (55) At least twelve men confessed to being present at the Mountain Meadows during this deceptive ploy.

	(56) Eleven militiamen admitted that the emigrants were formed into a northbound column of march and separated into three groups with small children and a few wounded adults at the head of the line, women and older children (from seven or eight years of age and above) in the middle, and men in the rear. (57) Albert Hamblin conceded that on the day of the massacre he and fellow Indian boy, John Knight, observed the emigrants leave their fortified wagon corral. They also saw "where the Indians were hid in the oak bushes and sage right by the side of the road a mile or more on their route." Albert said to his companion that he "would like to know what the emigrants left their wagons for," as they were going into "a worse fix than ever they saw."		(56) Eleven militiamen admitted that the emigrants were formed into a northbound column of march and separated into three groups with small children and a few wounded adults at the head of the line, women and older children (from seven or eight years of age and above) in the middle, and men in the rear. (57) Albert Hamblin conceded that on the day of the massacre he and fellow Indian boy, John Knight, observed the emigrants leave their fortified wagon corral. They also saw "where the Indians were hid in the oak bushes and sage right by the side of the road a mile or more on their route." Albert said to his companion that he "would like to know what the emigrants left their wagons for," as they were going into "a worse fix than ever they saw."

	(58) Three militiamen admitted being in one of the two militia camps within sight of the emigrants during the ruse and subsequent massacre. These were Sergeant Samuel Pollack of Cedar City and Privates William Young and James Pearce of Washington.		(58) Three militiamen admitted being in one of the two militia camps within sight of the emigrants during the ruse and subsequent massacre. These were [[Samuel_Pollock\|Sergeant Samuel Pollack]] of Cedar City and Privates William Young and [[James_Pearce\|James Pearce]] of Washington.

	(59) At the time of the massacre, some militiamen acknowledged their particular role or location on the ground. Nephi Johnson had acted as Indian interpreter and was positioned on the flank of a hill overlooking the northbound caravan.		(59) At the time of the massacre, some militiamen acknowledged their particular role or location on the ground. [[Nephi_Johnson\|Nephi Johnson]] had acted as Indian interpreter and was positioned on the flank of a hill overlooking the northbound caravan.

	(60) Two men -- Captain Joel White and Private Philip ~~Klingensmith~~ -- admitted being present in the militia guard alongside emigrant men at the end of the column leaving the emigrant camp. (61) As the massacre commenced, Private Philip Klingensmith confessed to firing on an emigrant beside him in the column with intent to kill him. (62) Further, the clear implication of Klingensmith's testimony was that he had killed his man. (63) Many militiamen recalled the crack of the first gunfire while Samuel Pollock recalled the pall of smoke that rose over the field.		(60) Two men -- [[Joel_White\|Captain Joel White]] and [[Philip_Klingensmith\|Private Philip Klingensmit]]h -- admitted being present in the militia guard alongside emigrant men at the end of the column leaving the emigrant camp. (61) As the massacre commenced, [[Philip_Klingensmith\|Private Philip Klingensmith]] confessed to firing on an emigrant beside him in the column with intent to kill him. (62) Further, the clear implication of Klingensmith's testimony was that he had killed his man. (63) Many militiamen recalled the crack of the first gunfire while [[Samuel_Pollock\|Samuel Pollock]] recalled the pall of smoke that rose over the field.

	(64) Meanwhile, at the front of the column, Major John D. Lee, Sergeant Samuel McMurdie and Private Samuel Knight, admitted being with the wagons of small children and the wounded at the head of the column of march. (65) McMurdie implicitly confessed to killing one or more of the wounded in the wagons. (66) Shortly before his own execution, Lee confessed to killing several wounded emigrants in or around the wagons.		(64) Meanwhile, at the front of the column, [[John_D._Lee\|Major John D. Lee]], [[Samuel_McMurdie\|Sergeant Samuel McMurdie]] and [[Samuel_Knight\|Private Samuel Knight]], admitted being with the wagons of small children and the wounded at the head of the column of march. (65) [[Samuel_McMurdie\|Sergeant McMurdie]] implicitly confessed to killing one or more of the wounded in the wagons. (66) Shortly before his own execution, Lee confessed to killing several wounded emigrants in or around the wagons.

	(67) Many of the militiamen admitted the fact of the massacre through the combined efforts of detachments from the Iron County militia and allied Indians.		(67) Many of the militiamen admitted the fact of the massacre through the combined efforts of detachments from the Iron County militia and allied Indians.
			<div style="background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 191); border-top-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-left-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-color: initial; color: rgb(0, 0, 0); margin-top: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; padding-top: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; height: auto; line-height: normal; text-align: left; width: auto; direction: ltr; z-index: 99995; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; "></div>

	== The Aftermath of the Massacre ==		== The Aftermath of the Massacre ==

1857admin: internal links

2011-06-08T05:53:21Z

internal links

← Older revision		Revision as of 05:53, 8 June 2011
Line 127:		Line 127:
	==== Thursday evening, September 10 ====		==== Thursday evening, September 10 ====

	(45) Fourteen militiamen or Indian interpreters recounted that they had mustered to the Mountain Meadows by Thursday, September 10. These were Majors Lee and Higbee, Captain Joel White, Captain's Adjutant Daniel Macfarlane, 2nd Lieutenant Nephi Johnson, Sergeants Samuel McMurdie and Samuel Pollock, and Privates William Edwards, Joseph Clews and Philip Klingensmith from the area surrounding Cedar City; Privates William Young, Ellott Willden and James Pearce from Washington; and Private Samuel Knight from Fort Clara.		(45) Fourteen militiamen or Indian interpreters recounted that they had mustered to the Mountain Meadows by Thursday, September 10. These were [[John_D._Lee\|Majors Lee]] and [[John_M._Higbee\|Higbee]], [[Joel_White\|Captain Joel White]], Captain's Adjutant Daniel Macfarlane, [[Nephi_Johnson\|2nd Lieutenant Nephi Johnson]], [[Samuel_McMurdie\|Sergeants Samuel McMurdie]] and [[Samuel_Pollock\|Samuel Pollock]], and Privates William Edwards, [[Joseph_Clews\|Joseph Clews]] and [[Philip_Klingensmith\|Philip Klingensmith]] from the area surrounding Cedar City; Privates William Young, [[Ellott_Willden\|Ellott Willden]] and [[James_Pearce\|James Pearce]] from Washington; and [[Samuel_Knight\|Private Samuel Knight]] from Fort Clara.

	(46) By Thursday evening, the militia and the Paiutes were in some sense allied. Thus, Major Lee observed, "our total force was more than fifty-four whites and more than three hundred Indians."		(46) By Thursday evening, the militia and the Paiutes were in some sense allied. Thus, [[John_D._Lee\|Major Lee]] observed, "our total force was more than fifty-four whites and more than three hundred Indians."

	(47) Also on Thursday evening, Cedar City's leading men held a military council on the grounds of the Meadows to discuss the fate of the emigrants. Contentiously they explored options and contingencies. (48) According to Majors Higbee and Lee and Privates Klingensmith and Pearce, those in the meeting disputed and quarreled about a course of action.		(47) Also on Thursday evening, Cedar City's leading men held a military council on the grounds of the Meadows to discuss the fate of the emigrants. Contentiously they explored options and contingencies. (48) According to [[John_M._Higbee\|Majors Higbee]] and [[John_D._Lee\|Lee]] and Privates Klingensmith and Pearce, those in the meeting disputed and quarreled about a course of action.

	The partisan views ranged between two extremes: releasing the emigrants versus "using them up." Those arguing for killing the emigrants justified the action with simple logic and an argument based on absolute necessity: The emigrants knew that Mormons were involved because of the incident at Richey Springs the previous evening. Since the Indians clearly were not strong enough to rout the emigrants, the Mormons had to finish the job. If not, the escaping emigrants would send an army from California to destroy them. Since a United States Army detachment was thought to be invading southern Utah and reconnaissance patrols were, as they spoke, scouting the eastern mountain for the army's advance parties, this possibility was intolerable.		The partisan views ranged between two extremes: releasing the emigrants versus "using them up." Those arguing for killing the emigrants justified the action with simple logic and an argument based on absolute necessity: The emigrants knew that Mormons were involved because of the incident at Richey Springs the previous evening. Since the Indians clearly were not strong enough to rout the emigrants, the Mormons had to finish the job. If not, the escaping emigrants would send an army from California to destroy them. Since a United States Army detachment was thought to be invading southern Utah and reconnaissance patrols were, as they spoke, scouting the eastern mountain for the army's advance parties, this possibility was intolerable.

	(49) According to John D. Lee, the view that prevailed was that the emigrants knew full well that "the Mormons had interposed." That is, in the Wednesday evening episode at Richey Springs the wounded emigrant had retreated to the emigrant corral and revealed that Mormons were behind the Indian attacks. An additional factor for Lee may have been that he, too, had been seen: first, from a distance by the emigrants and second, at close range by two emigrant boys.		(49) According to [[John_D._Lee\|John D. Lee]], the view that prevailed was that the emigrants knew full well that "the Mormons had interposed." That is, in the Wednesday evening episode at Richey Springs the wounded emigrant had retreated to the emigrant corral and revealed that Mormons were behind the Indian attacks. An additional factor for Lee may have been that he, too, had been seen: first, from a distance by the emigrants and second, at close range by two emigrant boys.
			<div style="background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 191); border-top-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-left-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-color: initial; color: rgb(0, 0, 0); margin-top: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; padding-top: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; height: auto; line-height: normal; text-align: left; width: auto; direction: ltr; z-index: 99995; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; "></div>

	== The Final Massacre ==		== The Final Massacre ==

1857admin: internal links

2011-06-08T05:49:15Z

internal links

← Older revision		Revision as of 05:49, 8 June 2011
Line 119:		Line 119:
	==== Wednesday, September 9 ====		==== Wednesday, September 9 ====

	(44) On Wednesday evening, September 9, several miles east of the Meadows at a place called Richey Springs, an incident occurred between three escaping emigrants and a small group of Mormon pickets, reportedly Captain Joel White, 2nd Lieutenant William C. Stewart, and Sergeant Benjamin Arthur.		(44) On Wednesday evening, September 9, several miles east of the Meadows at a place called Richey Springs, an incident occurred between three escaping emigrants and a small group of Mormon pickets, reportedly [[Joel_White\|Captain Joel White]], 2nd Lieutenant William C. Stewart, and Sergeant Benjamin Arthur.

	Two emigrants were killed but one was only wounded and fled to the emigrant camp at the Meadows to recount the episode. Or so the Mormons believed.		Two emigrants were killed but one was only wounded and fled to the emigrant camp at the Meadows to recount the episode. Or so the Mormons believed.
			<div style="background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 191); border-top-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-left-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-color: initial; color: rgb(0, 0, 0); margin-top: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; padding-top: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; height: auto; line-height: normal; text-align: left; width: auto; direction: ltr; z-index: 99995; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; "></div>

	== Council Meeting at Mountain Meadows ==		== Council Meeting at Mountain Meadows ==

1857admin: internal links

2011-06-08T05:48:31Z

internal links

← Older revision		Revision as of 05:48, 8 June 2011
Line 111:		Line 111:
	== The Siege at Mid-Week ==		== The Siege at Mid-Week ==

	During the week, Major John M. Higbee recalled, he observed that two or three militiamen were "painted like Indians." (41) At least one of the two militia camps was within sight and earshot of the emigrant camp. From that militia camp, Sergeant Samuel Pollock admitted, he and other militiamen observed Indians firing on the emigrant camp but took no action to intercede.		During the week, [[John_M._Higbee\|Major John M. Higbee]] recalled, he observed that two or three militiamen were "painted like Indians." (41) At least one of the two militia camps was within sight and earshot of the emigrant camp. From that militia camp, Sergeant Samuel Pollock admitted, he and other militiamen observed Indians firing on the emigrant camp but took no action to intercede.

	(42) After the sudden attack on Monday morning, September 7, the emigrants had taken defensive action to afford themselves better protection. They circled their wagons, dug holes around their wagon wheels, lowered their wagon boxes and built other crude defensive fortifications. Observing these fortifications and the Indians' ineffectual fighting on Wednesday, September 9, Major Lee reluctantly concluded that the Indians and the emigrants were at a standoff. (43) The impasse created a crisis for militia commanders. "We knew," Major Lee admitted, "that the original plan was for the Indians to do all the work, and the whites to do nothing, only to stay back and plan for them, and encourage them to do the work. Now we knew the Indians could not do the work, and we were in a sad fix."		(42) After the sudden attack on Monday morning, September 7, the emigrants had taken defensive action to afford themselves better protection. They circled their wagons, dug holes around their wagon wheels, lowered their wagon boxes and built other crude defensive fortifications. Observing these fortifications and the Indians' ineffectual fighting on Wednesday, September 9, [[John_D._Lee\|Major Lee]] reluctantly concluded that the Indians and the emigrants were at a standoff. (43) The impasse created a crisis for militia commanders. "We knew," Major Lee admitted, "that the original plan was for the Indians to do all the work, and the whites to do nothing, only to stay back and plan for them, and encourage them to do the work. Now we knew the Indians could not do the work, and we were in a sad fix."
			<div style="background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 191); border-top-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-left-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-color: initial; color: rgb(0, 0, 0); margin-top: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; padding-top: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; height: auto; line-height: normal; text-align: left; width: auto; direction: ltr; z-index: 99995; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; "></div>

	== The Richey Springs Incident ==		== The Richey Springs Incident ==

1857admin: internal links

2011-06-08T05:47:15Z

internal links

← Older revision		Revision as of 05:47, 8 June 2011
Line 94:		Line 94:
	== Militia Reinforcement Sent to the Meadows ==		== Militia Reinforcement Sent to the Meadows ==

	(31) Meanwhile on Monday morning in Cedar City, Private Joseph Clews was assigned to carry an express to Amos Thornton in the hamlet of Pinto near the Mountain Meadows. Fulfilling these orders, Clews and his companion rode on to the Meadows. Clews was the first Cedar City militiaman to admit that he was at the Meadows on Monday evening.		(31) Meanwhile on Monday morning in Cedar City, [[Joseph_Clews\|Private Joseph Clews]] was assigned to carry an express to Amos Thornton in the hamlet of Pinto near the Mountain Meadows. Fulfilling these orders, Clews and his companion rode on to the Meadows. Clews was the first Cedar City militiaman to admit that he was at the Meadows on Monday evening.

	(32) Back in Cedar that day, Major John Higbee admitted mustering a detachment of militiamen and heading west toward the Meadows. Around sundown that evening, militia private and Cedar City herdsman Henry Higgins, herding the community stock in the common field, observed Major Higbee with a detachment of approximately twenty-five armed men in wagons or on horseback.		(32) Back in Cedar that day, [[John_M._Higbee\|Major John Higbee]] admitted mustering a detachment of militiamen and heading west toward the Meadows. Around sundown that evening, militia private and Cedar City herdsman Henry Higgins, herding the community stock in the common field, observed Major Higbee with a detachment of approximately twenty-five armed men in wagons or on horseback.

	(33) In the enveloping crisis, many militiamen and Indian interpreters were compelled to obey military orders or face severe repercussions. They feared punitive measures from the military officers in Cedar City if they disobeyed. (34) Thus, Nephi Johnson resisted entreaties from Indian runners that he go to Mountain Meadows to interpret in place of Lee's Indian boy who "Lied to them so Much" that "they were tired of [him]." But when militia couriers arrived at his ranch, "they said to me that [Major] Haight said to them that I must come whether I Wanted to or Not. That He Would tell me what He wanted when I arrived at Cedar City."		(33) In the enveloping crisis, many militiamen and Indian interpreters were compelled to obey military orders or face severe repercussions. They feared punitive measures from the military officers in Cedar City if they disobeyed. (34) Thus, [[Nephi_Johnson\|Nephi Johnson]] resisted entreaties from Indian runners that he go to Mountain Meadows to interpret in place of Lee's Indian boy who "Lied to them so Much" that "they were tired of [him]." But when militia couriers arrived at his ranch, "they said to me that [Major] Haight said to them that I must come whether I Wanted to or Not. That He Would tell me what He wanted when I arrived at Cedar City."

	(35) Some militiamen understood that they were being assigned as a burial detail to bury the dead. Others, however, had a different understanding. According to the reminiscent account of Private Ellot Willden, when he and the unidentified members of his party first rode to Mountain Meadows "they were to find occasion or something that would justify the Indians being let loose upon the emigrants. . . ." (36) Later that week, Indian interpreter Nephi Johnson, was given a reasonably accurate account of white-incited Indian attacks on the emigrants and that his mission was "to settle a difficulty between John D. Lee and the Indians. . . ."		(35) Some militiamen understood that they were being assigned as a burial detail to bury the dead. Others, however, had a different understanding. According to the reminiscent account of [[Ellott_Willden\|Private Ellot Willden]], when he and the unidentified members of his party first rode to Mountain Meadows "they were to find occasion or something that would justify the Indians being let loose upon the emigrants. . . ." (36) Later that week, Indian interpreter [[Nephi_Johnson\|Nephi Johnson]], was given a reasonably accurate account of white-incited Indian attacks on the emigrants and that his mission was "to settle a difficulty between [[John_D._Lee\|John D. Lee]] and the Indians. . . ."

	(37) Philip Klingensmith, the bishop in Cedar City and a militia private, admitted that the local militia was called out "for the purpose of committing acts of hostility against [the emigrants]." Further, he conceded that this call was "a regular military call from the superior officers to the subordinate officers and privates of the regiment at Cedar City and vicinity."		(37) [[Philip_Klingensmith\|Philip Klingensmith]], the bishop in Cedar City and a militia private, admitted that the local militia was called out "for the purpose of committing acts of hostility against [the emigrants]." Further, he conceded that this call was "a regular military call from the superior officers to the subordinate officers and privates of the regiment at Cedar City and vicinity."

	(38) Over the weekend, Samuel ~~Knight~~ had taken an express from the Meadows to Fort Clara (and possibly Washington). He admitted that on Monday evening as he and other militiamen from Washington and Fort Clara rode toward the Meadows, they met the battalion commander of their region, Major Lee. On Tuesday, Knight and the others from the two southern settlements arrived at Mountain Meadows.		(38) Over the weekend, [[Samuel_Knight\|Samuel Knigh]]t had taken an express from the Meadows to Fort Clara (and possibly Washington). He admitted that on Monday evening as he and other militiamen from Washington and Fort Clara rode toward the Meadows, they met the battalion commander of their region, [[John_D._Lee\|Major John D. Lee]]. On Tuesday, Knight and the others from the two southern settlements arrived at Mountain Meadows.

	(39) Meanwhile on Tuesday morning, as Private Joseph Clews rode east toward Cedar City from Mountain Meadows, he encountered Higbee and his contingent headed west to Mountain Meadows. Higbee ordered Clews to fall in with his unit. They arrived at the Meadows that afternoon. (40) After assessing conditions and meeting in council to deliberate, Major Higbee admitted that he returned "at once to Cedar [City]" and "reported to Major Haight that [the] emigrant company was not killed as Lee['s] express had stated the day before, but were fortified and were under a state of siege. . . ." Although Higbee did not see Colonel Dame, he conceded that the purpose of his express was "to inform Col. William H. Dame, Commander of [the] Iron Military District, [of] the conditions of things at [Mountain Meadows]."		(39) Meanwhile on Tuesday morning, as [[Joseph_Clews\|Private Joseph Clews]] rode east toward Cedar City from Mountain Meadows, he encountered [[John_M._Higbee\|Major John M. Higbee]] and his contingent headed west to Mountain Meadows. Higbee ordered Clews to fall in with his unit. They arrived at the Meadows that afternoon. (40) After assessing conditions and meeting in council to deliberate, Major Higbee admitted that he returned "at once to Cedar [City]" and "reported to Major Haight that [the] emigrant company was not killed as Lee['s] express had stated the day before, but were fortified and were under a state of siege. . . ." Although Higbee did not see Colonel Dame, he conceded that the purpose of his express was "to inform Col. William H. Dame, Commander of [the] Iron Military District, [of] the conditions of things at [Mountain Meadows]."
			<div style="background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 191); border-top-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-left-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-color: initial; color: rgb(0, 0, 0); margin-top: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; padding-top: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; height: auto; line-height: normal; text-align: left; width: auto; direction: ltr; z-index: 99995; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; "></div>

	== The Siege at Mid-Week ==		== The Siege at Mid-Week ==

1857admin: internal links

2011-06-08T05:43:14Z

internal links

← Older revision		Revision as of 05:43, 8 June 2011
Line 87:		Line 87:
	==== Monday, September 7 ====		==== Monday, September 7 ====

	(24) Several men besides John D. Lee admitted being present in the valley of the Mountain Meadows on the morning of Monday, September 7. At daybreak, Private David Tullis along with Jacob Hamblin's adopted Indian boy, Albert Hamblin, were each in bed in the northern valley when they heard gunfire signaling the first attack on the camp in the southern valley. (25) "After the train had been camped at the spring three nights," Albert recollected, "the fourth day in the morning, just before light, when we were all abed at the house, I was waked up by hearing a good many guns fired. I could hear guns fired every little while all day until it was dark." (26) David Tullis heard the "firing on Monday morning, and four or five mornings afterwards." Tullis and Albert Hamblin admitted that they did not intervene, seek help or notify others.		(24) Several men besides [[John_D._Lee\|John D. Lee]] admitted being present in the valley of the Mountain Meadows on the morning of Monday, September 7. At daybreak, Private David Tullis along with Jacob Hamblin's adopted Indian boy, Albert Hamblin, were each in bed in the northern valley when they heard gunfire signaling the first attack on the camp in the southern valley. (25) "After the train had been camped at the spring three nights," Albert recollected, "the fourth day in the morning, just before light, when we were all abed at the house, I was waked up by hearing a good many guns fired. I could hear guns fired every little while all day until it was dark." (26) David Tullis heard the "firing on Monday morning, and four or five mornings afterwards." Tullis and Albert Hamblin admitted that they did not intervene, seek help or notify others.

	The first attack was a sudden assault that left seven emigrants dead and sixteen or seventeen wounded; three more would die of their wounds during the siege. (27) John D. Lee admitted that he was "the only white man there [at the siege site]." (28) During one Indian attack, Lee was so close to the action that emigrants' bullets grazed his shirt and hat. (29) Later during the four-day siege, Lee was so close to their camp that he was seen by the emigrants who had raised a white flag. (30) Also Lee was seen at close range by two emigrant children who were sent out to converse with him.		The first attack was a sudden assault that left seven emigrants dead and sixteen or seventeen wounded; three more would die of their wounds during the siege. (27) [[John_D._Lee\|John D. Lee]] admitted that he was "the only white man there [at the siege site]." (28) During one Indian attack, Lee was so close to the action that emigrants' bullets grazed his shirt and hat. (29) Later during the four-day siege, Lee was so close to their camp that he was seen by the emigrants who had raised a white flag. (30) Also Lee was seen at close range by two emigrant children who were sent out to converse with him.
			<div style="background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 191); border-top-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-left-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-color: initial; color: rgb(0, 0, 0); margin-top: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; padding-top: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; height: auto; line-height: normal; text-align: left; width: auto; direction: ltr; z-index: 99995; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; "></div>

	== Militia Reinforcement Sent to the Meadows ==		== Militia Reinforcement Sent to the Meadows ==